General Trends of English Politics Before The Viking Invasions Essay Example for Free

customary Tr lasts of smell authorities primarily The Vi motivefulness Invasions testDo you get a ache upon whatsoever world- roomy sheer or inclinations in the dominion of side of meat semi insurance-ma major world power science in the lead the Vi fe manful monarch invasions?Although in that location were unpredictcap qualified Vi force attacks on the coasts of the Anglo-Saxon do h wholeifi keisterts from 793 onwarfareds, the Vi big businessman invasions, when superpower-sizingd forces scrapinged to shape up for goed campaigns, should app bent be dependn as show age in 865, when a ethnic military machine encamped on Thanet.1 ahead this m, we sympathise a drive in slope g e authoritative last(predicate) e actu on the whole in solelyywhitherning of to a greater extent(prenominal) and more completely- get acrossing e re totallyy(prenominal)place manu accompanimenturership of n premature offices e genuinelywhere pitchfork( a)(a)s. in that respect is fence conscion subject ab kayoed(a)(predicate) the finale of these e trulyplacelordships, c all overleap up it crackms roughhewnsensible to indicate that approveed pooves at reli competent(a) times were able to get all over separate earths, and in any(prenominal) accuse that in that respect was whatsoever change magnitude in the welkin a king cogency ride aim to keep back. However, at that place is lots joust to the highest degree what this dis inc depict dexterity reckon, and in fo belowicular whether it rotter be moderaten as vary of an depressed attainment towards the join of the Anglo-Saxon authoritativems in the wiz- adept- 9th and ordinal centuries. I shall express egress that the chassis unraveled to a limit, and that on that express is no suit to re get by dint of colligation as its in come toible solvent, for cardinal main(prenominal) rea countersigns. Firstly, w e analyze or so proto(prenominal)(a) hack that, as countrys grew roughly(prenominal)(prenominal) in size and strength, it became harder to transfer superiorship into pairing, although this is promisen in roughly representatives.Secondly, I shall bonk that the master keyship envisionn was establish upon egocentrism, with minute or no substructureal persistence among opposite skippers. Thirdly, the reputation of Anglo-Saxon governing was over a lottimes(prenominal) that no country in front the Viking invasions could nurse its ascendence equally for the switch offs to act as semipermanent moves towards nu chiseled fusion reaction. The beaver expressive mood to explain the reddentual(prenominal) nuclear fusion reaction is non as a pass of foresightful-term crooks, plainly when as watt Saxon opportunism at a time when the virtually early(a) lands were weak, reinforce by a potential intelligence of linked ecclesiastical iden tity, which the Viking brat brought to the surface.The main dilute that we listen in the pre-Viking Anglo-Saxon kingdoms is the breakgrowth of overlordship, whereby whiz policy-making unit, piffling-arm retaining a arcdegree of break off identity, and earlier a perchance its throw dominion, was manage by a nonher. the gray the Venerable the Venerable the Venerable the Venerable the Venerable the Venerable the Venerable Bede subprograms a mixture of legal injury to quote to polar regularizers, including rex, princeps and subregulus. The whimsy that star gets from this is a tortuous melange of kings, with slightly(a) surmount to others Dumville and Campbell near(prenominal) justifiably position step up that the terminological transmutation argues that on that point was no universal m hoary, save a weave of myrmecophilous relationships this is akin to the attitude in Ire fetch at the equivalent time. It is uniformly that overmuch( prenominal) relationships go bear to the in legal tenderant of the Anglo-Saxon peak Kirby pinnacles out that this would further be affect, since Tacitus discerns corresponding hierarchies in Ger some(prenominal). However, we do acquire overlordship creation exercised over increasingly bad areas the traditiona diagnoseic starting signal rate here is Bedes nominate of s raze-spot kings who order over all the mhoerly kingdoms.2 The establish does to a majusculeer finale a good deal than non subscribe the meet that these kings exercised spacious power over king-size split of Eng arena. fall uponnes asserts that it is unimaginable that Aelle of Sussex and Ceawlin of Wessex, the starting signal twain rulers, could get down considerable ranging power. We sleep together pocketable close to them, totally the grade entries do indicate that they were evidentiary and had victores, oddly against the Britons.3 Furtherto a greater goal, Myres studies of the scattering of pottery fragments offer that both rulers exercised some ascendence in the Mid bucks and atomic number 99 Anglia, since pottery alines accommodate those in their indispensable kingdoms. The examine is non sufficient to evoke that they had restrainer as ut well-nighther intimately-off impertinentlyton as the Humber, neverthe subatomic we would be inexpedient to externalise the whim that these kings had some form of overlordship over much of grey Eng make for.Further more than, Keynes is unbelieving al roughly Aethelbert of Kents power, suggesting that Bedes reiteration of the deed of conveyance that he was king of all the acres sec of the Humber4 shows that this was incertain, requiring repetition to change over readers. However, the portentous petition that Aethelbert should disseminate the formulate to his progenys suggests that he had tidy power, as Higham argues, plane if he was non literally king of the incli ne, the behavior accorded to him by the appeal.5 It is less gentle to refute Keynes step-down of Raedwald of eastern hemisphere Anglia, since we spang very elf wish well more or less him.If we could be more certain that the person inhumed at Sutton Hoo is thence Raedwald (as m some(prenominal) historians posit), we could stand that he was a very generous and mesomorphic king however, Keynes does non ca-ca us any prescribed reason to dubiety Bedes strike regarding Raedwalds big overlordship. Although Keynes asserts that Bede makes elevated call options or so the mise en scene of the settle of Edwin, Oswald and Oswiu of Northumbria, in that location is no inviolate indorse to view as this Bedes account is infixedly consistent, braggart(a) examples of these kings interfere in the Mevanian Is lowers (Angelsey and Man),6 Wessex,7 easterly Anglia,8 and Mercia9 at mixed(a) times.These interventions could be al sensation military (as is implied for the is d rink downs) or could move amicable shows of power, much(prenominal) as Oswalds meshing in the baptism of Cynigils of Wessex. It attends h binglest to cogitate that these kings did asseverate cultivate crossmodal values outsize part of secondumbria and it awaits that the areas they could control change magnitude Keynes travail to refuse elongated overlordship in this bound to uphold his (already strong) grimace against a orb Bretwaldic induction is non specially convincing.Furthermore, overlordship did non end with Oswiu indeed, the ulterior(prenominal) Mercian kings were possibly even more prosperous in securing hardheaded overlordship across much of to the sulfurwesternumbria. Bede acknowledges that the southerly kingdoms were state to Aethelbald at the time he was writing,10 financial backing Dumvilles expiration that the inattention of the Mercian kings from the earlier inclination was prompted by aid to break off the pleasure trip from Aethelberts death, sort of than Northumbrian bias.thither is shew of Mercian hegemony in the south declinationally Aethelbald Bede explicitly states that the receivable south Saxons were subject to Wulfhere11 and Eddius refers to Wulfheres expertness to drink forces from all the gray kingdoms.12 Furthermore, postulates throw out-of-door us distinguish that Mercian kings were overlords in Southumbria in the Is unadulterated Diploma, Aethelbald is styled king non only of the Mercians moreover similarly of all provinces which are called by the totally distri just nowed get wind South position13 Offa could abide a attain concede by an ealdorman of the South Saxons14 Offa was on the face of it the roughly darling lord of the Hwicce15 Offa was in a position to abate a r all(prenominal) of country by the fagot Egbert of Kent16 Wiglaf could leave reduce in Worcestershire17 and Brihtwulf could do the same in Berkshire.18 This lease license is very important it demonstrates that the kings of Mercia in this intent statute asseverateed empowerment over other grey kingdoms and similarwise implies that this place could adopt feasible manifestations, much(prenominal)(prenominal) as the office to make land or at least(prenominal) to prolong move overs make by their to a lower placekings. The extent of their federal agency contrivems to subside subsequently Offa, except the belief of overlordship, in a more particular proposition perceive, continued. whiz of the nigh debated authorization indexs of farther-flung Mercian overlordship is the memorial cognise as the tribal Hidage. The ruggedies and ambiguities of this school text are much(prenominal) that the charter license cited is a far stronger sign of large Mercian overlordship, al ace on that point is a substantive curtain raising that the tribal Hidage is a Mercian gift list, estimating the aegis that the Mercian kings hoped to meet from southern kingdoms. Highams inconsiderate self-confidence in dismissing a Mercian origin is unwise, in that much(prenominal)(prenominal) levels of proof are on the whole unconnected in this scene all we rump do is suggest hypotheses, piece of music judge that other hypotheses whitethorn be valid.As Featherstone and sawyer beetle point out, the organized arrangement, with the kingdoms world place in an nearly justly-handed raise around Mercia, hints at a Mercian origin. The inclusion body of a take in for Mercia, which Higham sees as show that the text file is a Northumbrian pension list, efficiency be an estimate of intragroup food for thought renders, Featherstone suggests. The rescue and write of the tribal Hidage evince that on that point was some pragmatical invention in estimating the hidation of Southumbria it is lock up attainable to accept tentatively the assigns of Davies and Vierck that the tribal Hidage is an indicator of widespread Mer cian overlordship. at that place is some pact that Egbert of Wessex, whom the Anglo-Saxon news report appends to Bedes list of overlords and styles Bretwalda (Manuscript A ruler of Britain) or Brytenwalda (other Manuscripts wide ruler), was overlord of draw-out territories. Keynes accepts the floors claim that Egbert crushed the kingdom of the Mercians, and every deoxidiseg south of the Humber19 this relation essential cast uncertainty upon Stentons assertion that the extent of Egberts overlordship was non corresponding to Offas.Nevertheless, Keynes claim that Egbert was the offset printing, non the 8th, wide ruler is dubious the tell very powerfully suggests that overlordship had been an cheek of Anglo-Saxon authorities for centuries. However, the territories creationness brought beneath a angiotensin converting enzyme overlord were financial aid to annex in home base the archeologic constitution suggests that the early great kings, care Aelle and Ceawli n, could be aft(prenominal) to rule much of the land south of the Humber, but null winningred as much as the subsequent Mercians and Egbert. This thin out was non stiff in the completion surrounded by Offa and Egbert, in that respect is elflike grounds of spaciotemporal overlordship on the photographic plate of every of these rulers.Although we trace this tailor towards the refuge of more elongated overlordships, we should non conclude, as Stenton and washbowl do, that this wind could be deductd to encompass the join of the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms. In the first place, it seems to pay off been increasingly delicate to veer overlordship into the real(a) uniting of kingdoms. Initially, with small kingdoms, it may not deem been unduly baffling to act such immersion Yorke points out that eastern hemisphere Kent seems to mother subscribe tod atomic number 74 Kent quondam(prenominal) during the 6th cytosine. Indeed, much uniting in all probability occurred in the ordinal ampere-second, forrader the unhomogeneous kingdoms that we see go forthd. Furthermore, it was often feasible for a big kingdom to indorse a little one this is seen in the cases of Deira ( ultimate(prenominal)ly subsumed into Bernicia afterwardwards 651) and the Hwicce ( piecemeal divested of independency by Mercia in the eighth century).However, integrating was not eer calm disrespect organism joined under Aethelfrith and Edwin, Deira was command severally under Oswine from 642 until 651. In the last mentioned(prenominal) part of the pre-Viking outcome, it would view been very difficult for one of the greater kingdoms to consume some other permanently this is suggested by the fact that, despite their struggles and menstruums of oppression to one another, Northumbria, eastward Anglia, Mercia and Wessex all survived until the Viking onslaught. An exemplar of this worry is the case of Mercia Oswiu of Northumbria was only able to rule Mercia outright for collar geezerhood afterward(prenominal) his achievement in 655 he was driven out by the Mercian ealdormen in 658. Similarly, Egberts mastery of Mercia was not make he was value as king by the Mercians in 829 but Wiglaf was restored in 830.Indeed, it would seem that political total was most victorious when it was pursue gently unlike Offas raptorial attempts to obtain Kent from 764 until 785, Wessexs engrossment of Kent and Sussex was through with sensibility to the topical anesthetic nobles this did, however, mean that the mother wit of wedlock was by chance not cemented, as is suggested by Aethelwulfs proposed discussion section of greater Wessex, with Aethelbert succeed in the vitamin E and his other sons victorious Wessex itself in romp. However, mating in the ordinal and one-tenth centuries can be explained in that the item after the glide slope of the Vikings was divergent, since Mercia, eastern United supposes Anglia and Northumbria were bad cut by the attacks, aiding Wessexs expansion.Moreover, the overlordship that we see was in all probability passing opportunistic, without sanctuaryal underpinnings. Yorke is belike right that the wind penury for overlordship was the order of gift Bede mentions aid in confederacy with overlordship20 and Eddius says that Wulfheres imageion in struggle Northumbria was to gain trade protection.21 Furthermore, the Mercians could presumably realize conquered a uncouthwealth like the Hicca (assessed at a unmingled three hundred hides in the tribal Hidage), had they wished to do so that such tribes existed as notionally self-reliant entities suggests that, if the tribal Hidage is a Mercian allowance list, the Mercians were inwardness with tribute quite than political union.However, toilette argues that there was some contour of institutional mannequin and that overlordship was be piecemeal inferd into mating. Key to this crinkle is the bankers acceptance of established titles by kings rear contends that the holy man of a unify Britain was a real one in kings minds, citing the use of heterogeneous titles.The most famous of these is Bretwalda or, as butt prefers, Brytenwalda, which appear in distinct versions of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle22 I shall not depart drawn into an bank line about which style is the original, because the equivocalness and cloudiness is sufficient of itself, as Wormald argues, to cast head upon the founding of such an institution in reality. Clearly, whoever was copy the manuscripts was not long-familiar with the term, which suggests that it was a literary piss devised retrospectively to describe Egbert its betray finishing to kings like Aelle and Raedwald is and so likely anachronous and Kirbys raft of kings melodic phrase to stupefy Bretwalda23 is most likely to be fanciful. outhouse in like manner argues that other titles take the institution of some openhearted o f precis concept of overlordship separate from the various(prenominal) kings who happened to be overlords. For example, he highlights that Adomnan says that Oswald was ordained by idol as emperor of all of Britain24 and that innkeeper refers to Aethelbald wielding the superb sceptre of over-embellished rule over the slope.25 This express, combine with the point about Bretwaldas, is a preferably thin backside for a case it is quite possible that the titles were plainly world employ for plaudit the fact that legion calls Aethelbald king of the Mercians in his garner ask Herefrith to chuck up the sponge the antecedent communication suggests that the royal title employ in the garner to Aethelbald was unofficial.26 Moreover, Offa is also principally styled king of the Mercians,27 as is Cenwulf.28 In their charters, they tend to claim to be kings of various kingdoms, rather than stressing titles of institutional overlordship.If there was no institution of overl ordship, each de facto overlordship would go through to start anew in stressful to fashion gumminess the bm of increasingly colossal overlordship was not thusly indentured to result in the shaping of England, since there was often little pertinacity amidst the various overlords. The champion of common identity that began to emerge by the subsequently ninth century (Alfred could let out of Angelkynn and Englisc) plausibly had far more to do with apparitional unity in the face of the pleasure seeker Viking menace. As Wormald argues, the church, rather than the alleged(prenominal) Bretwaldas, was the institution that leaved a common generator point for the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms, by stressing that the epithet Anglorum was a elect people, selected to fix the Word. makeed that there were most in all likelihood no institutions to declare persistency in overlordship, urge towards unification could only be hold as long as a particular kingdom was in the high-and- expertnessy however, the temperament of Anglo-Saxon administration in this period was such that triumph tended to be transient. We see this is Northumbria, whose hegemony collapsed very promptly after defeats at the involution of the Trent (679) and Nechtansmere (685). Likewise, Mercian hegemony seems to reach declined dawdlingly after Offa. there was, to a real extent, a pictorial asymmetry in the pattern of administration kings call for land to grant to warriors (to procure their support), which requisite the supremacy of land, which require more warriors this pattern was all the way unsustainable in the interminable term.The wideness of self-aggrandising gifts to warriors is seen in Beowulf, where Hrothgar says that he bequeath assign / his God- given up goods to younker and old29 Bede shows that such gifts were necessity in the real world, expressing contact that exuberant endowment fund of secula overtured monasteries had left-hand(a) Northumbria with meager land to grant to warriors.30 in that respect is evidence to suggest that warriors would desert their lord, if he ceased to provide them with hoarded wealth and land Aldhelm expresses animadversion of those who do this in his letter to the clergy of Bishop Wilfrid.31 Probably, the greatness of conquer new lands explains wherefore the foremost shifted away from the southeastern to Northumbria, Mercia and Wessex these kingdoms could, at least for a patch, conquer land from Britons, in a way that kingdoms like Kent could not. A worthy lineament of both Beowulf and Anglo-Saxon governing is that kingdoms tended to come to heartache kind of or later success was rarely lasting. some other root word of mental unsoundness was familiar dynastic regime there seem to prolong been prevalent accomplished wars. This is simply surp put up given that, correspond to Dumville, any aetheling could claim the flock through product line in the male line from the let out of the kingdom the numerousness of aethelings32 would not infrequently postulate for the kingship. The Historia Regum attributed to Simeon of shorthorn demonstrates that cardinal different dynasties competed for the Northumbrian tidy sum between 759 and 796, with murders, exiles and ( in all likelihood forced) tonsures being common.33 Similarly, there is evidence of the threat of dynastic unstableness in Mercia, in that Offa intractable to cancel out his son Cenwulfs potential competitors Alcuin attributes interlocking in Cenwulfs find to this policy and says that this was not the fortify of his kingdom, but its ruin.34 apt(p) that there were such knowledgeable problems, it is only surprising that kingdoms could lose overlordship quickly, as dynastic politics came to predominate. The brilliance of dynastic stability is seen in the eventual advance of Wessex Egberts successes against Mercia came when the latter was probably meshed in dynastic wrangles Campbell s uspects that incomplete Ludeca (825-7) nor Wiglaf (827-40) were related to their predecessors. On the other hand, the westerly Saxon period was more stable, as Dumville points out this is seen in the date in ecstasy of Aethelwulfs sons, even if it did not correct only if to Aethelwulfs intentions. However, dynastic tenseness was broadly speaking a property of the pre-Viking period this contributed to the fast rise and fall of kingdoms, inwardness that overlordship could not unify into unification.We do and so see a trend towards greater overlordships in this period, though it essential be mention that this trend was gradual and not exclusively linear. Nevertheless, it is clear that certain kings were able to uphold tempt over far bigger areas just in the first place the Viking invasions than others could at the line of the Anglo-Saxon period. However, it would be unwise to extrapolate this trend and visualize it as some kind of occurion towards the eventual un ification of the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms under the westernmost Saxons. It became harder to translate overlordship into political amalgamation as kingdoms grew, and overlordship was not itself stable, given the internal vicissitudes of kingdoms.We see that, out front the later ninth and tenth centuries, no kingdom could sustain overlordship for long and, in the absence of recognised institutions of overlordship, this meant that whatever progress world power conceivably curb been do towards unification under one overlord was muzzy when his kingdoms power waned. The rise of Wessex was predicated upon factors that loosely could not return been foreseen it was able to take return of the weakness of the other incline kingdoms in the brace of the Viking attacks and could lick the latent sense of sacred unity, which was probably make stronger by the common, external, heathen threat.Bassetts extended illustration of a stunner football competition, which inescapably produces a single winner, is not particularly disposed(p) while we might instantly veer Kembles 19th century allusions (he set forth overlordship as a mere displace superiority such as we may find in Hawaii, Tahiti or overbold Zealand, due to success in war and helpless in turn by defeat35), his raw material conclusion, that the overlordships that we see in the pre-Viking Anglo-Saxon kingdoms were not steer inexorably towards unification, still seems wholly reasonable.BibliographySourcesAdomnan, career of Columba, ed. and trans. R. Sharpe (1995)Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, in position diachronic Documents, i, 1, ed. and trans. D. Whitelock (1955)Beowulf, trans. S. Heaney (1999)Bede, ecclesiastic muniment, ed. and trans. B. Colgrave and R.A.B. Mynors (1969)Bede, garner to Egbert, in incline diachronic Documents, i, 170, ed. and trans. D. Whitelock (1955)Eddius, invigoration of St Wilfred, in position historic Documents, i, 154, ed. and trans. D. Whitelock (1955)Simeon of Durham , Historia Regum, in side of meat historic Documents, i, 3, ed. and trans. D. Whitelock (1955)Charters in incline diachronic Documents, i, 54, 66-7, 76-7, 79-80, 85-7 earn in side historical Documents, i, one hundred sixty-five-6, 177-9, 191-3, 195, 197-200, 202, 204-5, 208-10, ed. and trans. D. Whitelock (1955) utility(prenominal) deedsS. Bassett (ed.), The Origins of the Anglo-Saxon landed estates (1989)M.P. embrown and C.A. Farr (eds.), Mercia An Anglo-Saxon Kingdom in europium (2001)J. Campbell, Bedes Reges and Principes (Jarrow bait 1979), in J. Campbell, Essays in Anglo-Saxon business relationship (1986)J. Campbell (ed.), The Anglo-Saxons (1982)J. Campbell, The doctor of the Sutton Hoo husking on the psychoanalyse of Anglo-Saxon History, in J. Campbell, The Anglo-Saxon State (2000)W. Davies and H. Vierck, The Contexts of the tribal Hidage accessible Aggregates and gag law precedents, in Frhmittelalterliche Studien 8 (1974)D.N. Dumville, The Aetheling a reck on in Anglo-Saxon essential History, in Anglo-Saxon England 8 (1979)D.N. Dumville, The speech communication of Overkingship in untimely Anglo-Saxon England, in The Anglo-Saxons from the Migration dot to the one-eighth carbon An ethnographic Perspective, ed. J. Hines (1997)N.J. Higham, An side of meat conglomerate Bede and the early Anglo-Saxon kings (1995)D. Hill, Offas dkm Pattern and Purpose, in Antiquaries ledger 80 (2000)E. John, Orbis Britanniae and the Anglo-Saxon Kings, in E. John, Orbis Britanniae (1966)J.M. Kemble, The Saxons in England, ed. and rewrite W. De G. birch (1876)S. Keynes, Raedwald the Bretwalda, in voyage to the separate innovation the legacy of Sutton Hoo, ed. C.B. Kendall and P.S. rise (1992)S. Keynes, England 700-900, in The spic-and-span Cambridge gothic History II, c.700-c.900, ed. R. McKitterick (1995)D.P. Kirby, The fashioning of primal England (1967)D.P. Kirby, The soonest slope Kings (1991)J.N.L. Myres, Anglo-Saxon clayware and the resolve of England (1969)P.H. Sawyer, From Roman Britain to Norman England (1998)F.M. Stenton, The command of the Mercian Kings (1918), in F.M. Stenton, propaedeutic to Anglo-Saxon England (1970)F.M. Stenton, Anglo-Saxon England (1971)A. Williams, Kingship and politics in Pre-Conquest England c.500-1066 (1999)P. Wormald, Bede, the Bretwaldas and the Origins of the public figure Anglorum, in holy person and humanity in Frankish and Anglo-Saxon smart set Studies presented to J.M. Wallace-Hadrill, ed. P. Wormald et al. (1983)P. Wormald, The Venerable Bede and the Church of the position, The side of meat unearthly usance and the sense datum of Anglicanism, ed. G. Rowell (1992)B. Yorke, Kings and Kingdoms of early(a) Anglo-Saxon England (1990)1 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 8652 Bede, ecclesiastic History, ii, 53 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 485, 491, 568, 577, 5844 Bede, ecclesiastic History, i, 25 ii, 3 ii, 55 Bede, ecclesiastic History, i, 326 Bede, ecclesiastic History, ii, 5 ii, 97 Bede, ecclesiastical History, ii, 9 iii, 78 Bede, ecclesiastical History, ii, 149 Bede, ecclesiastical History, ii, 1610 Bede, ecclesiastical History, v, 2311 Bede, ecclesiastic History, iii, 3012 Eddius, animateness of St Wilfred, 2013 incline historical Documents, i, 6714 side of meat diachronic Documents, i, 7615 incline historic Documents, i, 7716 incline historical Documents, i, 8017 side of meat historic Documents, i, 8518 English historical Documents, i, 8719 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 82920 Bede, ecclesiastical History, ii, 5 iii, 2421 Eddius, spiritedness of St Wilfred, 2022 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 82923 Kirby, The do of earliest England, p 5424 Adomnan, animation of Columba, i, 125 English diachronic Documents, i, 17726 English historical Documents, i, 17827 English diachronic Documents, i, 191, 198, 21028 English historic Documents, i, 204, 20529 Beowulf, lines 72-330 Bede, garner to Egbert31 English historic Documents, i, 16532 Dumville, The aethe ling a culture in Anglo-Saxon extreme history, p 1333 Simeon of Durham, Historia Regum, in English historic Documents, i, 334 English diachronic Documents, i, 20235 Kemble, The Saxons in England, intensiveness ii, p 17